¿Europeísta? Spain in the EU, a reflection with Pablo del Hierro
- Augustin Forjonel-Legrand
- 5 hours ago
- 8 min read
Forty years
Todya is January 1, 1986. Spain joins the European Economic Community (EEC) and becomes its twelfth member, joining alongside Portugal. These two countries, barely out of the shadow of dictatorship, integrate into the alliance with the promise of long-lasting democracy.
Forty years after the Mediterranean enlargement, Spain is at a crossroads, led by its socialist Prime Minister, Pedro Sánchez (image). Between the regularization of 500,000 migrants and its high-profile opposition to Donald Trump, Madrid is in the spotlight.
This anniversary and recent events provide the perfect opportunity to delve into Spain’s role within the current EU, which firstly requires an exploration of the rise of Spanish influence since the 1980s. And to get a full understanding of the situation, I asked some questions to Pablo del Hierro, a former and highly-regarded history professor at the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences (FASoS), who returned to Madrid last Autumn.
“By joining the EEC, Spain sought to normalize its relations and rejoin the concert of nations.”
We started our interview with a look back at the time when Spain joined the EEC in 1986. At this time, the government was led by Felipe Gonzáles, leader of the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (PSOE), since a massive electoral victory in 1982. “The enemies of democracy were still strong, as it was seen with the failed coup attempt on 23rd February 1981,” Pablo said. On this date, Lieutenant-Colonel Antonito Tejero stormed into the Parliament and took its members hostage, threatening to overthrow the young democracy to reestablish a dictatorship. “Therefore, Spain joined the EU, hoping that it would help stabilize democracy, only 10 years after Franco’s death,” Pablo added.
This integration was driven by massive popular support in the years preceding the ratification. However, joining the EEC was also the source of many challenges for Spain at the end of the decade. Euronews explains that the adaptation to the European market and opening connections with the rest of Europe took some time, making the adjustment process quite difficult. “Modernizing the country was Gonzáles’ second objective after democratic consolidation. The economic state of the country, at that time, was very poor,” Pablo told me. The income per capita was around €7.300, and exports accounted for 5% of the GDP.
At the end of the 1980s, the Spanish market integrated with the rest of European countries, and Spain experienced more stability and economic prosperity. After 1990, it became more active in the alliance. “The main landmark of European integration was the year 1992. Four events happened, showing the new role Spain has acquired in Europe.” Indeed, Barcelona hosted the 1992 Olympics, symbolizing the completion of Spain’s transition to an open country after decades of isolation. This year also saw the hosting of the Universal Exhibition in Seville, also commemorating the 500th anniversary of the discovery of America. Finally, Madrid was the European capital of culture in that year. These were symbols of openness and successful integration. “It boosted the confidence of both the government and the Spanish people in European integration, at a time when the Treaty of Maastricht was signed,” Pablo concluded on this point.
He continued discussing the following years, when Spain became a key actor in the EU’s relationship with Southern Europe. “Politically, the main event took place in 1995, with the Mediterranean Conference in Barcelona.” For him, this shows Spain's proactivity and strategic role. This meeting resulted in the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, ruling the political, economic, and cultural relationship between the EU’s 15 Member States and 12 Mediterranean neighbours. As we can see, the first decade of membership in the EU was successful for Spain, and it has continued on the same trajectory since.
“Along with Poland, Spain is becoming a strategic European power.”
Jumping to the current decade, I asked Pablo, during our conversation in the sunny garden at FASoS, how to interpret the role of Spain in the EU today. “Of course, I can’t say that Spain has the same level of power and influence as France or Germany. But it is definitely a regional power on the rise.” For him, this influence is seen in the area of environment and energy. Indeed, the current Spanish commissioner is Teresa Ribera, who is Executive Vice-President of the Commission, and in charge of keeping the EU on track to respect the Green Deal’s objectives. Moreover, Spain has one of the highest shares of renewable energy production in the EU, with almost half of the electricity coming from renewable sources, mainly solar panels and windmills. “Like in all the 27 Member States, the people paid the price of the energy crisis created by the war in Ukraine. Renewable energy sources can help mitigate these effects,” added Pablo.
According to him, Spain has also increased the EU’s global influence over the past 40 years. The Commission also aligns with this statement, giving some examples like the Union for the Mediterranean (UfM), an initiative launched in 2008 to foster dialogue among Mediterranean countries, in which Spain played an important role. Recent examples go in this direction, such as the nomination of Josep Borrell Fontelles as High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (2019-2024), who was also Spain’s Foreign Affairs Minister (2018-2019). On top of this, Spain held the rotating presidency of the Council (July-December 2023) and used this time to set an ambitious agenda for the external action.
Finally, Spain has participated in shaping the EU’s role as a strategic actor, acting as a mediator and seen as a bridge with Latin America. “This was also Madrid’s ambition in the 1980s. There is, of course, a connection between these two sides of the Atlantic, and it is even more strategic today, at a time when the EU wants to strengthen its relationship with Latin America.” It is seen with meetings between the EU and Latin American Countries (LAC) during the Spanish rotating presidency of the Council of the EU.
“Pedro Sánchez is a political animal who positions himself as a leader of European integration.”
Pablo brought up an additional element with the role played by the Social-Democratic party led by Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez. According to him, “Sánchez is one of the main left-wing leaders in Europe. He has power in the Parliament because many members of the S&D group are Spaniards.” With 20 MEPs, Spain has as many socialist members as Italy out of the 136 in the group, giving Madrid significant influence in debates within the European Parliament.
Sánchez’s influence is also evident in actions that run counter to the current European flow of decision-making. The main example was when Spain announced the regularization of more than 500.000 migrants last winter. This raised major reservations in the European Commission, as reported by Euronews, and concerns in many European capitals. “This might be surprising from the outside, but when you look at the Spanish economic situation, you see that it’s quite logical. These people are working illegally in Spain, hence not contributing to the national wealth production. As the economy is growing, jobs are easy to find. This strategy is aligned with both left-wing and classic right-wing liberal standards,” explained Pablo. The Spanish economy is one of the few in Europe that is rising, with 2.9% real GDP growth in 2025. Therefore, this appears to be a logical element in this economic context, even if it could lead to Spain pursuing a differing immigration policy from the EU and risking isolation.
“On one hand, it fulfills economic objectives, and it is ethical. On the other hand, Sánchez uses it as an opportunistic move for his political interest,” added the historian. On this, I think it is time for a short recap of the Spanish political situation. Pedro Sánchez, from the socialist party, is leading a minority coalition that relies on regionalist movements, and that is constantly threatened by the rising right-wing parties and the far-right Vox. “By regularizing these workers, Sánchez strengthens his image in the Spanish left, so when elections occur, he will turn out as the natural left-wing candidate, making his candidacy easier,” Pablo analyzed. “The population supports this movement because the economy is doing well, so they want it to continue improving.”
“The Spain-US relationship is a rollercoaster.”
Pablo goes on explaining how the current geopolitical situation with the war in Iran and the progress in European integration can be elements boosting Sánchez’s national image. “The Spanish society refuses any military action, and they won’t want to send soldiers.” For Pablo, this is aligned with the Prime Minister’s political strategy to capitalize on the consensus among Spaniards, but it is, above all, aligned with a long-lasting peace tradition in Spain.
“Spain refused military operations after the end of the dictatorship, preferring diplomacy and multilateralism,” started Pablo. However, I was quite puzzled because Spain engaged alongside the USA and Britain in the invasion of Iraq, despite the refusal of the UN to support the mission, and France's vocal opposition in the EU. “This was very controversial, but it was part of the government’s political strategy to strengthen the Madrid-Washington axis,” Pablo told me. He continued saying that there was some personal connection, in 2003, between Bush and Aznar (Spain’s right-wing Prime Minister) that led to Spain’s participation in the military operation. A vast majority of Spaniards were against this mission, but the government ordered the deployment of troops on the ground, despite massive protests in the country under the slogan ‘No to war’. “This feeling towards anti-interventionism was very transversal in the society, and it is still so today,” he added. Hence, 2003 was an exception, and today the socialist Pedro Sánchez is one of the strongest opponents to Trump’s Iran war. This was recently seen with its refusal to participate in military support and criticizing the US's breaking of international law. “Sánchez capitalizes on this consensus and uses the same slogan as in 2003,” he concluded.
Protests in Barcelona
We observe that there is no special relationship between the two countries, but there have been some connections between specific actors in recent decades. I asked Pablo to continue addressing this US-Spain relationship, which he compared to a “rollercoaster,” and what it tells us about the ambition of Spain’s strategic role. He continued on his previous point, arguing that there is no personal connection between Donald Trump and Pedro Sánchez, and that the more aggressive the American president is, the more the Spanish prime minister can politically benefit from the opposition. “Sánchez was one of the early vocal critics in the EU.” Pablo went on saying that there has never been a ‘special relationship’ between Spain and the US, and that Madrid has always been more inclined to cooperate in European settings than in NATO. “Sánchez claims that if defense spending should be raised, it should be done at the EU level rather than with the US and in the Atlantic Alliance.” Last year’s NATO summit in The Hague resulted in a decision to increase defense spending to 5% GDP (3.5% on defense + 1.5% on military capabilities), which Spain refused to comply with.
“Spain can’t be Europe’s engine alone.”
For Pablo, Spain will be one of the most important actors in the EU for the coming years, thanks to its economic dynamism and limited rise of the far-right. “The countries that used to be Europe’s leaders are domestically weakened due to political instability. Hence, new powers can emerge, like Spain, Poland, or Scandinavian countries.” One thing is certain for Pablo: Pedro Sánchez will strive to make Europe more integrated and protect the “Social Europe” that was negotiated in the late 1980s. These cohesion funds include regional funds and solidarity mechanisms, like the European Social Fund (ESF) and the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF). The question is not about his ambition to do so, it is about his means. Elections are scheduled for 2027, and the results are quite unpredictable… “A certainty: Sánchez will do his best to stay in power.”
Thank you, Pablo, for your valuable expertise and the time you gave to the Maastricht Diplomat.
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