United Nations Historical Security CouncilThe Situation in Rwanda (1994)

The Escalation of Ethnic Tensions in Rwanda

The year of 1994 marked a dark chapter in Rwanda’s history. In the fastest genocide on record, 800 000 people were slaughtered in only 100 days. But what happened prior to 1994 which led to such mass murders, and what were the roles of colonial powers in these events?

As of today, Rwanda is inhabited by two main ethnic groups: the majority Hutus (85% of Rwandese), and the minority Tutsis (14% of the population). While there are slight genetic differences between the groups, both share Bantu heritage, along with linguistic and cultural similarities.

Before colonisation, Tutsis were a tall elite of pastoralists, while Hutus were sturdy people who worked the land, but were described as wealthy and well connected. Nevertheless, ethnicity was not absolute: intermarriage was common, and wealthier Hutus could become Tutsis through  ‘kwihutara’ — literally translated, ‘to shed Hutu status’. Rwanda was overall a unified society.

However, it is when Rwanda was colonised by Germany from 1897 onwards that ethnic tensions were instrumentalized for political purposes. The Germans reinforced the existing Tutsi monarchy as a way to secure control. In WW1, Belgium invaded and took control of these territories, which were later declared as a League of Nations mandate in 1919 under the name of ‘Rwanda-Urundi’ through the Treaty of Versailles. Belgian rule deepened ethnic tensions: in 1933, they introduced mandatory identity cards which held the mention of its holder’s ethnic identity, freezing social mobility and institutionalising ethnic discrimination in Rwanda.

What had once been fluid social distinctions now became rigid labels, shaping not just legislation but also how people saw themselves and each other. Ethnicity became prevalent in one’s identity fueling an “us vs. them” mentality. Tutsis were granted positions of power while Hutus had little political representation. Tutsis, believed to be smarter, received privileged education and nearly all secondary school spots were reserved to them.

These injustices led to Hutus brewing a deep resentment not only against the Belgian colonial rule, but also against their Tutsi brothers. On November 1st, 1959, the attack on Hutu leader Dominique Mbonyumutwa by Tutsi loyalists sparked nationwide Hutu uprisings which ultimately overthrew the Tutsi monarchy in what is today known as the 1959 Hutu revolution. In response to the growing violence, Belgium started supporting the Hutus, marking a major change in the country’s political landscape. Upon Rwanda’s independence in 1962, many Tutsis had migrated en masse to neighbouring countries, leaving the Rwandese government with a Hutu majority. In response to the Hutu attacks, some exiled Tutsis formed the Tutsi rebel group the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF).

From a Civil War to a Genocide: the Failure of the Arusha Accords

The years between 1962 and 1990 were marked by ongoing ethnic tensions, with ten violent attacks between 1962 and 1967. In 1990, the RPF led by Paul Kagame, Rwanda’s current president, invaded Rwanda from Uganda starting the four-year Rwandan Civil War.

In August 1993, international pressure forced both sides to the negotiation table. The UN-led Arusha Accords aimed to end the civil war by reducing Hutu dominance, integrating the RPF into the government with a multi-party democracy, and allowing for the return of Tutsi refugees. Despite being signed by both parties, Hutu extremists feared the loss of power, and strongly opposed the Accords.

It came to a climax on April 6th, 1994, when the Hutu president Habyarimana found his death after his plane was shot down, resulting in a power vacuum. Tutsis were blamed for the attack, and the previously peaking tensions set the stage for the upcoming three months — the bloodiest Rwanda had ever known.

Widespread anti-Tutsi propaganda facilitated the violence, such as the radio station Libre des Mille Collines (RTLM) which referred to Tutsis as ‘cockroaches’ that needed to be eliminated, and so the genocide began. From April to July 1994, around 8, 000 people, mostly Tutsis and moderate Hutus, were murdered daily, and an estimated 2 million Rwandans fled the country. The scale and the rate of the killing were the most shocking characteristics of the genocide, which was facilitated by the help of the military, including the presidential guards and Rwandan armed forces. The tremendous organisation of the complicit parties also enabled such a rhythm: machetes, guns and explosives kept outside of houses in Rwanda were used all across the country. Groups and mere individuals enacted the killings, following the orders of local leaders. 

The UN’s Delayed Response to the Rwandan Genocide

One wonders why the United Nations did not intervene earlier in Rwanda. In the light of information available to the public today, many consider that the UN effort to stop the mass killing in Rwanda was insufficient.

In part, the UN did not take adequate measures because the term genocide was not used to describe the situation there until May 1994. Using the word genocide would have led to immediate intervention by the United Nation since prevention of genocide was one of the major concerns of the international community since the end of WWII.

Meanwhile, the UN was already present in Rwanda before the genocide began. The United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR) was deployed in 1993 to help implement the Arusha Accords. UNAMIR was underfunded, poorly equipped, and had a weak mandate that prevented it from using force except in self-defense. It explains why when the genocide began in Rwanda, UNAMIR was denied the right to intervene to stop the killings. Furthermore, the Security Council, right after the beginning of the genocide, on the 21st of April 1994, reduced UNAMIR's strength by 90%, leaving UNAMIR powerless. 

Only in July 1994, when the RPF defeated the genocidal Hutu government, did the UN increase humanitarian aid efforts. UNAMIR II was authorized in May 1994 and the UN sent 5,500 troops — but they arrived too late, after most of the killings had already occurred.

Because the UN failed to intervene, France decided to launch a military intervention three months after the genocide had begun: 'Operation Turquoise', whose goal was to prevent massacres from happening, even if it implied the use of force. However, doubts arose regarding the consequences of Mission Turquoise, and the extent to which France participated in the genocide. Therefore, in 2021, president Macron opened the archives on Rwanda to the public. An extensive report on the role of France in the massacre was published pointing out the “overwhelming responsibilities” of France, but emphasizing the absence of complicity in genocide. Opening the archives on Rwanda was an important step as many argue it is peoples’ right to know what happened. Furthermore, recognising France's responsibilities in the massacre is a step towards forgiveness.

The role of restorative justice in addressing the ethnic tensions post genocide in Rwanda

Another step towards forgiveness was the setting up of Gacaca trials, whose goal was to reconcile the entirely divided population in Rwanda to prevent another genocide or civil war from happening between the two ethnic groups. Gacaca trials were held all over Rwanda, and composed of ordinary citizens. The judges, who were village inhabitants elected by the local population, led discussions between Hutus and Tutsis in the trials. There, Tutsis confronted the Hutus who slaughtered their relatives, giving them the chance to learn the truth about what happened to their beloved ones. It also granted Hutus the possibility to confess their crime and ask for forgiveness. 

Looking back today: did the Gacaca trials succeed in reconciling a divided population? This matter is up to debate, as talking about ethnicity is now illegal in Rwanda. While some argue that it prevents hate speech, others say it actually hinders true reconciliation between the different ethnic groups.